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Rebalancing Security Spending for 21st Century Challenges

"The [Bush] White House, which basically let the Defense Department call the budgetary shots, vastly underfunded efforts by the State Department, the Justice Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development to train civilian police forces, build functioning judicial systems and provide basic development services to those war-torn countries...

"If President-elect Obama wants to reverse this trend, he must...turn Gates's speeches on the need to promote soft power into reality with a massive transfer of funds from the Pentagon to the State Department, the Justice Department and USAID."

- Thomas A. Schweich, formerly ambassador for counter-narcotics in Afghanistan and deputy assistant secretary of state for international law enforcement affairs during the Bush administration.

In November 2008, shortly after winning the election, President-elect Obama committed to making budget review a centerpiece of his policymaking. Obama said, "A nation's budget reflects its values and priorities." What does our nation's security spending say about our values and priorities? Military spending – not even including the cost of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq – has increased by 60% since 2001. The increase in Department of Defense (DOD) funding including the Afghanistan and Iraq wars in the decade separating 1998 and 2008 is a staggering ninety percent.1

A close look at this spending reveals a country that puts a very high priority on high-tech weapons systems and the capacity to fight major conventional wars. The budget reveals that those military programs are heavily funded (or valued) while our diplomatic corps and effective homeland security programs are woefully underfunded. Are the tools of high-tech war-fighting the most effective for actually keeping Americans safe in the 21st century? Or are we funding the strategies of yesterday instead of the strategies that can bring our country real security in today's world?

Two forces are calling for significant reform and budget review for military spending. The first is the nation's current economic challenge and a federal budget under great pressure. The second is the recognition that an emphasis on Cold War-style military hardware and strategies may not be the savviest, most effective approach to the task of keeping Americans safe in the post-Cold War era.

Even the Pentagon's own internal oversight body, the Defense Business Board, has pointed out that defense spending is "not sustainable" and that in the midst of the nation's economic downturn, wasteful weapons systems and expenses must be eliminated.2 Perhaps more importantly, there is a growing recognition that security spending across the federal budget is woefully out of balance. As Secretary of Defense Robert Gates put it in 2007: "Funding for non-military foreign affairs programs… remains disproportionately small relative to what we spend on the military. Consider that this year's budget for the Department of Defense—not counting operations in Iraq and Afghanistan—is nearly half a trillion dollars. The total foreign affairs budget request for the State Department is $36 billion … [T]here is a need for a dramatic increase in spending on the civilian instruments of national security."3

In order to rebalance security spending we also need to recognize that an overreliance on military force has had non-economic costs. Using military tools when other less costly and less bellicose tools are more appropriate has backfired. Terrorism around the world has increased. Anti-Americanism is at an all time high. Countries such as Russia and China have responded to our focus on military tools with their own military build-ups. The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have been a recruitment pretext for our adversaries and have led to a perception of the US as a bellicose nation who seeks to control and occupy other countries. We do need to increase the emphasis on diplomacy, intelligence, and preventive tools, but we also need to recognize that US military tools have a narrow utility that should truly only be used as a "last resort".

The new President and Congress should:

1. Rebalance security spending by reducing funding for major war-fighting while increasing funding for essential defensive (e.g. homeland security) and preventative (e.g. international aid) programs.

2. Realize immediate savings of 10% to 15% of the military budget by eliminating outmoded cold war era weapons systems that are not needed to defend the country from the threats we currently face.4  

3. Increase funding to protect against the greatest threat to US residents: nuclear terrorism.

4. Increase funding for US contributions to international institutions that underpin collective security efforts (e.g the United Nations, International Atomic Energy Agency, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization, and U.N. peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations.)

5. Increase funding for the diplomatic corps to make up for shortfalls in staffing that harm US diplomatic efforts.

6. Increase funding for carefully targeted homeland security needs (e.g. port security, rail security, first responders, health and disease preparedness, nuclear plant security).

7. Create specific venues to evaluate the current national security budget process and look at potential reforms for security spending. Mechanisms could include a Select Committee on National Security and International Affairs and/or a Commission on Budgeting for National Security and International Affairs.5

8. Reexamine current DOD planning that bases spending on the capacity to fight more than one large-scale conventional war backed up by a global military footprint that includes 860 bases and installations and 200,000 overseas military personnel. Does that force structure make Americans safer or does it lead to strategic overreach, such as with the Iraq war? Could those resources be put to better use in the current security environment?

Footnotes

1. Forceful Engagement, Carl Conetta Project on Defense Alternatives, December 2008. Pg. 11.
2. "Pentagon board says cuts essential", Bryan Bender, Boston Globe, Nov. 10, 2008
3. Lecture at Kansas State University, Robert Gates, Secretary of Defense, November 26, 2007. http://www.defenselink.mil/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid=1199
4. Examples of current programs that could be cut can be found in A Unified Security Budget, Report of the Task Force on for the United States, FY 2009. Institute for Policy Studies, September 2008. Pg. 3.
5. These specific recommendations are from Report of the Task Force on for the United States, FY 2009A Unified Security Budget. pg. 19.